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Paper 32 Copyright Disputes between London's Dance Publishers, 1810sContributed by Paul Cooper, Research Editor [Published - 29th September 2018, Last Changed - 7th March 2021]London's music sellers of the Regency period were increasingly aware of copyright as a mechanism to secure their own competitive advantage. We've investigated the single most interesting dance related dispute in a previous research paper, in this paper we'll consider the testimonial writs from some further cases, and consider what can be learnt about the dance industry of the 1810s from them. A previous paper investigates the 1818 dispute between the music shops of John Charles White (of Bath) and Christopher Gerock (of London), it offers a general introduction into the social dance industry of the 1810s, you might like to read it before continuing here; this paper extends that earlier theme by considering several additional historical complaints between publishers concerning social dance music.
Figure 1. Beware dance piracy. Image courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.
List of DisputesI've been able to study surviving information from several different copyright disputes of the 1810s, most of which has been preserved by the UK's National Archives. None of these records are complete, but they're fascinating even in their inconclusive state. The disputes we'll consider are:
Country Dance publishing in Britain began in 1651 with publication of the first edition of John Playford's The English Dancing Master; for roughly 60 years the Playford family held an effective monopoly on Country Dance publishing in England, with very little competition from rivals. Over time the infrastructure for printing improved, a broader range of music sellers began publishing social dances. By the mid 18th Century there were several prominent publishers, and by the early 19th century there were dozens of active publishers; as competition between publishers increased, the need to secure competitive advantage became more important, with recourse to law where necessary. The legal disputes between publishers offer some of the most detailed insights into the activities of the dance publishing industry that I know of; that evidence is fundamentally annecdotal in nature, but with six different cases to study there's sufficient information for us to infer some general trends, even if the outcomes aren't always known. I should also offer a statement of caution - I'm not an expert in historical legal terminology; if you're able to correct any of my inaccuracies in this commentary (or otherwise share additional information), do please Contact Us. With that proviso stated, let's take a look at the material.
The Pattern of Evidence
Figure 2. Birchall's writ of complaint, 1812. Image © the National Archives.
The general pattern to the surviving evidence involves both a Transcribing the documents has been a frustrating process and the results are difficult to consume. The documents are, in some cases, amended with extra information or crossing out of existing text, some are damaged, all are sufficiently repetitive that it's easy to accidentally misread sections. A synopsis of each document will be offered rather than a pure transcription (this allows us to gloss over the portions of the documents that have defied interpretation); punctuation has been added to any quotations, including commas and stops, despite a general absence of punctuation in the source documents. The original documents are available for study from the National Archives should you wish to see them for yourself. Figure 2 shows the writ issued by Robert Birchall in 1812, it's approximately of average length at around 4200 words. In some cases we have surving comentary from other sources that independently describes the disputes, that information is referenced where available.
1. Robert Birchall versus Charles Wheatstone, 1812The National Archives preserve the writ of complaint issued by Robert Birchall in March 1812 against Charles Wheatstone (see Figure 2). Birchall was the proprietor of one of London's major music shops, he traded in serious musical compositions, rarely venturing to sell social dance collections. Wheatstone ran a less prominent business, we've written about him before; his business had been steadily growing since around 1790, by 1812 he was becoming recognised as a more serious supplier of music and musical instruments.
Summary of the ComplaintBirchall declared that in 1805 Daniel Steibelt had composed a ballet called La Belle Laitiere, or Blanche Reine de Castille; Birchall bought the rights to it for £100. He also declared that in 1808 F. Fiorillo had composed an accompaniment to a ballet called Le Marriage Secret ou Les Habitants du Chene; Birchall bought the rights to it for £84. Birchall had published both of these compositions and considered them to be valuable, they were also performed on stage.He alleged that Wheatstone had pirated parts of these two compositions for use in Country Dancing collections. Specifically:
Figure 3. The start of Birchall's No 13 Allemande Moderato, from Le Marriage Secret 1808 (above); and The Lady of the Lake, from Wheatstone's Elegant & Fashionable collection of Country Dances for the Year 1812 (below).
Birchall went on to assert that he had made frequent requests that Wheatstone should cease copying and printing these tunes, and to account for the profits made from those tunes. Birchall claimed that the tunes that were copied were the most popular parts of the larger works, and that his damages in lost sales were therefore quite considerable.
Birchall then explained in the writ that Wheatstone himself had claimed that Birchall was not the
Birchall however AnalysisThere is no record of a response from Wheatstone, he evidently settled the issue out of court. It's possible that Wheatstone really did purchase the tunes from third parties in good faith; it's also possible that he knowingly pirated them, or perhaps most likely, that he hadn't given the issue of copyright a single thought. Country dance publishers regularly featured stage music within their collections at this date, the industry hadn't considered it to be much of an issue in the past; a copyright dispute may therefore have been something of a surprise. Wheatstone paid a settlement to Birchall.Figure 3 depicts the start of the passage that Birchall claimed had been copied from Le Marriage Secret, and also the equivalent tune published by Wheatstone (though not the edition referenced in the writ of complaint). The music is clearly the same with only minor modifications, Wheatstone had no defense.
Birchall, perhaps in an effort to deter further such piracy, published a record of his victory in the Morning Chronicle for 20th July 1812 (see figure 4); he took the interesting step of donating half of his damages to the Royal Society of Musicians' relief fund, thereby providing an excuse to reveal the full damages as twenty guineas. The Chronicle recorded a donation
Figure 4. Birchall's victory recorded, Morning Chronicle, 20th July 1812. Image © THE BRITISH LIBRARY BOARD. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. Image reproduced with kind permission of The British Newspaper Archive (www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk)
Wheatstone probably went further than simply paying Birchall damages. Two editions of his c.1806 A Selection of Elegant & Fashionable Country Dances, Reels, Waltz's &c. Book 1st are known to exist; the later edition contains many changes compared to the first edition, it may have been issued in 1812 as a consequence of this dispute. The later edition, amongst other alterations, removed the problematic La Belle Laitiere tune. I've yet to locate the edition of Wheatstone's Lady of the Lake mentioned in the writ, it's not located within either of the two surviving copies of Wheatstone's c.1811 6th Book that I've studied - it was likely replaced for the later reprints. Figure 3 shows a different edition of the same tune published by Wheatstone for the year 1812.
2. Button, Whitaker & Beadnell versus James Platts, 1814The National Archives preserve both a writ of complaint issued by Button & Co. in December 1814, and also a writ of response from James Platts issued in February 1815. Button, Whitaker & Beadnell were publishers of a copious collection of Country Dance publications throughout the 1810s, we've written about them before; James Platts was a musician and publisher who had been composing and publishing music since before 1790.
Summary of the ComplaintSamuel James Button and his partners (hereafter simplyButton & Co.) declared that John Whitaker, one of the partners, had composed in 1810 the tune of the comic song Paddy Carey's Fortune or Irish Promotion. Their business owned the song; at time of publication the business was named Button & Whitaker, but by the time of the complaint they were Button, Whitaker & Beadnell, the rights to the song were co-owned by all three of them. They alleged that James Platts had in 1814 printed the music of the song in his 41st collection of Platts original and Popular Dances, with some trifling variations. They claimed that Platts had sold many copies of his publication at a shilling per copy, and that he refused to accept that he had no right to do so. They asked for Platts to be forbidden from continuing to sell their tune. They also asked for him to explain why he thought he had the right to sell the tune, and how many copies had been sold; they further alleged that the trifling variations in the Platts version of the tune were introduced in an attempt to avoid detection.
Summary of the ResponsePlatts denied that Whitaker was the composer of the tune, he instead believed the tune to be a minor variationof a certain old piece of music or tune called the Almanack Maker composed by a Mr William Reeve for and sung in the Opera of the Lake of Lausanne. The first four bars of the tune he thought to be identical, and that they were at the heart of the melody. He alleged that Whitaker had knowingly copied the older tune, deliberately adding variations in order to obscure his own reuse of that older tune.
Figure 5. Advertising Paddy Carey, Morning Post, 2nd August 1814. Image © THE BRITISH LIBRARY BOARD. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. Image reproduced with kind permission of The British Newspaper Archive (www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk)
Platts went on to describe his series of Platts' Original and Popular Dances as a monthly publication, and that the 41st number was issued in or for the month of August one thousand eight hundred and fourteen; he acknowledged that he had derived his own Paddy Carey from that of Button & Co., but that it was an abridgement - the original being 62 bars of music, the country dance only 16 bars. He added that this Defendant believes that the said Melody or Dance, so published by him as aforesaid, has always been considered by musical men as a fair and bona fide abridgment of the said piece of Music. Platts admitted that he had copied Whitaker's song, but he denied it to have been composed by Whitaker, and added that the variations he'd introduced were necessary in order to abridge the song into a dance.
Platts admitted to having sold between 180 and 200 copies of the 41st number of his series;
AnalysisThe tune of Paddy Carey was in the process of becoming popular in late 1814, sufficiently so that there was likely to be a financial interest for whoever could monopolise sales of the tune.
Whitaker's song had been performed on stage since at least as early as June 1810; a record in The Morning Post for 26th June 1810 mentions a performance of The Beggar's Opera, and that
Figure 6. Start of the Paddy Carey tune in #30 of Button, Whitaker & Compy's Selection of Dances, Reels and Waltzes, 1816. Image © THE BRITISH LIBRARY BOARD, g.230.aa ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
Button & Co would go on to issue their own arrangement of the Paddy Carey tune for Country Dancing, with an elaborate arrangement of figures by Thomas Wilson in the 1816 30th Number of their Selection of Dances, Reels & Waltzes (see figure 6, we've animated an arrangement of it here). They had previously issued a tune named Paddy O Carey in their Thompson branded Country Dancing collection for 1811 (with figures by John Hopkins); this earlier tune seems to have warranted little notice, I can discern no similarity between the tunes other than the name. The new tune would go on to be popular throughout the 19th Century.
Platts' defense is rather interesting. He argued that Whitaker had himself copied the core part of the tune from an earlier work, that abridging a song into a dance was an acceptable thing to do, and that he'd hardly made any money from doing so anyway. He identified the original source as an air from the 1805 Opera Out of Place; or, the Lake of Lausanne, with music by William Reeve. The air in question, Almanak Maker was a popular tune; it was still remembered in 1816 when The Theatrical Inquisitor reviewed the opera, and it triggered a disappointing review in 1808 when The Universal Magazine of Knowledge and Pleasure found another of Reeve's Songs to be a mere copy of it. Whitaker clearly believed his tune to be a new composition, but Platts argued otherwise.
It's uncertain how the case proceeded at court, but Platts is known to have lost (a subsequent dispute mentions Platts' failure, see below; a later edition of Platts' 41st Number replaced the problematic tune with the defiantly named Paddy Carey's Ghost). James Platts went on to issue two fresh writs of complaint of his own; he had his own archive of tunes, so he retaliated in kind - we'll come to Platts' counter claim shortly. Button & Co published their own Country Dancing arrangement of Paddy Carey in 1816 (see figure 6), with the following note attached:
3. James Platts versus Button, Whitaker & Beadnell, 1815The National Archives preserve both the writ of complaint issued by James Platts on the 6th June 1815, and the writ of response issued by Button & Co. on the 20th June 1815. This complaint is arguably a continuation of the previous action, only this time Platts was seeking redress. The chronology is further complicated by an amendment to the complaint dated to the 12th July 1815; it seems that Platts was a little too hasty in issuing his complaint, he made some unfounded accusations and had to amend his complaint to correct them (after having read his adversaries reply). We have written about this dispute before.
Summary of the ComplaintPlatts stated that he had either composed or purchased several popular Country Dancing tunes that had subsequently been republished by Button & Co without his authorisation. In 1797 he composed The Zodiac or Zoics New Dash (see figure 7); in 1809 he composed Michael Wiggins and purchased Himley Park from Henry Nicholson fora valuable consideration, and also Ferne Hill or the Tank from Lady Ashbrook; and in 1814 he purchased The Saxon Dance from Mr Bohmer, also for a a valuable consideration. He also complained about a tune called General Kutusoff, though this tune was removed from the writ in the July refresh of the complaint.
Figure 7. Zoic's new Dash, from Book 2nd for the Year 1797, By James Platts. Image © THE BRITISH LIBRARY BOARD, a.11 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
Platts listed the publications in which he'd initially issued these tunes; then listed the Button & Co. publications in which the same tunes could be found (sometimes with minor variations or name changes). He charged that all such variations as have been so made by the said Defendants, as well in the names of the said Dances respectively as in the music of the same, have been studiously made by them merely for the purpose of concealing the fact of their having been fraudulently taken from your orator's said compositions, that they might appear as original compositions of themselves, the said defendants. Platts claimed that a great many copies of the tunes had been published, and that Button & Co. refused to acknowledge his ownership of the tunes. Platts wanted them to be blocked from further publication of the tunes that he owned, and that the sales and profits from those tunes should be enumerated and restored to him.
Summary of the ResponseThe response addressed each tune in turn.
They further explained that
AnalysisPlatts' case was rejected on the 27th July. The Chancery records (see figure 9) mention two factors in this decision: firstly, the defendants hadcopied the tunes, being ignorant that they were the property of the plaintiff; and secondly there was no affidavit of title filed by the plaintiff till after the defendants had put in their answer, which had been held could not be done. Platts had been too slow to prove that he owned the copyrights, and (as the tunes were routinely published without a copyright statement) Button & Co. were not to know that they the tunes were property. Platts didn't advertise his ownership of the tunes sourced from Bohmer until April 1815 (Morning Post, 7th April 1815); it's likely, as the defense suggested, that Platts had purchased the publication rights shortly before that date, knowing that the tunes were already widely circulated, and specifically for retaliatory use. It didn't help his case.
Figure 9. Chancery records for Platts versus Button & Co., from Reports of Cases Decided in the High Court of Chancery, Volume 10, 1855
These issues didn't entirely destroy Platts' case, but the complications would need to be decided at law before the judge could issue an injunction. There was also a humorous aside in the courtroom (documented in The Public Ledger and Daily Advertiser for 28th July 1815) in which the judge queried what a waltzwas, we've described this exchange before. Platts didn't completely waste his time in this action however, he had submitted almost the same complaint against Charles Wheatstone on the 12th July 1815 (the same day that the writ of complaint in this case was amended); he still had some time to learn from his mistakes before that second dispute was tried. Various fascinating details emerge from the Button & Co. testimony. For example, we learn that they were routinely printing between 900 and 1000 copies of their simple dance collections, and they sold hundreds of copies to the trade on a sale-or-return basis; tunes were passed to music publishers almost by word of mouth, and copying was both routine and normalised; we also discover that the origins of dancing tunes can be complicated, they're routinely constructed from fragments of other tunes. The judge in this case avoided having to investigate the origins and creative value of these tunes in any detail, the issue of complexity and creativity within dancing tunes would return to be investigated in the later disputes brought by John Charles White. One further observation that might be made is that Button & Co. come across, at least to me, as a legitimate business who were attempting to do the right thing. They gave what appear to be honest answers with respect to their sales (the same is less plausibly true for some of the other Defendants), they voluntarily ceased selling any tunes discovered to be subject to copyright, and they produced a lot of new music in-house. We'll see in the subsequent cases that they represented the interests of both music-sellers and music-composers; they were also, from my modern point of view, the vendors of the highest quality country dancing publications the industry had ever known. More can be read about their contributions to country dancing in a previous paper.
4. James Platts versus Charles Wheatstone, 1815The National Archives preserve both the writ of complaint issued by James Platts on the 12th June 1815, and the writ of response issued by Charles Wheatstone on the 11th October 1815. The complaint has much in common with the complaint Platts issued against Button & Co., though tailored for a different target. An initial injuction was issued against Wheatstone on the 13th July 1815 (The Globe, 14th July 1815, see figure 10).
Summary of the ComplaintMuch of the preamble to the complaint was in common with the preceeding case, with Platts claiming ownership of the same collection of six tunes. This dispute added references to three further tunes; in 1814 Platts had purchased rights to Arabella from Mr Bohmer, in April 1815 he'd purchased rights to The Alexander, also from Mr Bohmer, and in 1813 he had himself composed a tune called Miss Platoff.Platts alleged that Wheatstone had published copies of all nine of these tunes, with trifling variations, and without permission. He wanted Wheatstone to account for his actions, and to be restrained from further publication of his tunes.
Summary of the ResponseWheatstone addressed each of the accusations in turn.
Figure 10. Law Intelligence, from The Globe, 14th July 1815. Image © THE BRITISH LIBRARY BOARD. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. Image reproduced with kind permission of The British Newspaper Archive (www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk)
Figure 11. The Alexander, from Wheatstone's Selection, of Elegant & Fashionable Country Dances, Reels, Waltz's &c. Book 11th, 1816. Image courtesy of the VWML.
Wheatstone went on to explain that he had sold copies of his various publications at the listed prices, but
AnalysisWheatstone took four months to produce his response, during most of which time he was under an injunction to cease publication of the controversial tunes. The response he eventually submitted was somewhat similar to that from the earlier case of Button & Co., he seems to have been familiar with their defense. He emphasised the very issues that had proven to be the most troublesome to Platts in the earlier case: that the tunes were widely printed without a copyright notice, universally considered as unowned, that the origins of tunes were often quite complicated, and that Platts' ownership of the tunes was subject to dispute. He also (I suspect) attempted to limit his risks by claiming an implausibly small distribution of the various tunes, and very little profit therein.Platts probably was honest in believing that he owned the copyrights to the various tunes; it is true that they were widely printed, but in most cases the earliest edition I can discover is that of Platts himself. It may also be true that Wheatstone believed the tunes to be unowned. Wheatstone routinely copied tunes from other publishers; this seems to have been the general practice amongst country dance publishers, unless there was an explicit copyright statement attached to the tunes to prevent it. I don't know the outcome of this trial but I suspect that Wheatstone lost. He appears to have ceased publication of two of his regular Country Dancing collections at or around the date of this trial; the 33rd number of Wheatstone's Occasional Repertory of Dances may have marked the end of that series, and I know of no further editions of his 24 Country Dances for the Year xxxx publications after 1815. This seems unlikely to have been a coincidence; even if he had won at court he may perhaps have calculated that the risks of publication were greater than the rewards. He continued to publish Wheatstone's Selection, of Elegant & Fashionable Country Dances in collaboration with Augustus Voigt for a few more years... that is, until he was once again accused of copyright infringement in late 1818 (see below). Figure 11 shows a tune from the surviving publication series which matches the name of one of the disputed dance tunes. James Platts was also to suffer. He was declared bankrupt in 1816, though he evidently recovered and continued publishing dance music into the early 1820s.
5. John Charles White versus Christopher Gerock, 1818This trial is different to the preceeding cases in that I've been unable to study any formal documentation from it. Most of the surviving information is derived from the courtroom reports issued in the press, something we've extensively documented in a previous paper. A synopsis of the available information will be offered here, but it's worth referring to our other Paper for more complete information. The case was tried in December of 1818, the plaintiff was White's of Bath and the defendant was Gerock's of London.
Figure 12. More Miseries of Modern Life: Being nervous and cross examined by Mr Garrow, Rowlandson, 1807. © Trustees of the British Museum.
Summary of the ComplaintThe Whites of Bath complained that a popular tune they owned named Captain Wyke had been piratically published in London by Christopher Gerock. The tune was a favourite in Bath and immensely profitable, but the sales had collapsed since Gerock had printed his copy of it in London.
Summary of the ResponseGerock admitted to having published 125 copies of the tune, but had not sold many of them; he had received the tune from a Benjamin Payne, a musician from Bath, and believed that several other music shops had published it before he did.Gerock called upon a whole team of expert witnesses to testify that the tune was not copyrightable by virtue of having been constructed from fragments of several older tunes. John Whitaker of Button & Co. was then brought in by White to assert the counter argument, he stated that the tune was in fact an original composition, and therefore copyrightable.
Gerock's team also offered the argument that a single sheet of music did not constitute a
AnalysisThe record of the debates in the courtroom are fascinating. The judge instructed the jury to focus on whether White's tune was sufficiently innovative to qualify for copyright protection, or whether it was somethingwhich any person of ordinary industry might cut out from their works and paste together. This defensive argument had been used in several of the proceeding cases, but the trials (at least in Platts versus Button & Co.) had ended without a definitive answer. This time the jury found in favour of White, Gerock was lightly fined.
Figure 13. Cross examination of a witness in a case of Criminal Conversation, 1818. Image courtesy of The Library of Congress.
This case involved a publisher from Bath taking on the cabal of London publishers, an outsider challenging the status quo. This may have been the first of the actions to determine that a country dancing tune was inherently worthy of legal protection (that may have been determined in Platts versus Button & Co., the record is unclear); it was also the first to offer the dancing figures as being material to the publication, an argument that appears not to have found favour in the court.
It's notable that John Whitaker spoke on behalf of White; he was himself the plaintiff in one of the previous cases, but had also been the defendant in yet another. He had argued against James Platts' tunes being copyrightable by virtue of their having been derived from earlier works, but in this case he argued that dance compositions can be copyrightable despite their similarities to earlier tunes. He perhaps saw White as a kindred spirit; someone who produced new tunes that were of a greater quality than the frankenstein compositions published by much of the industry. This particular case turned out to be the most significant of the entire collection. It had the potential to be devastating to the whole dance publishing industry; it was widely discussed in the press (unlike the previous cases) and was a resounding victory for White's of Bath. The old certainties about how the industry worked were no longer reliable; popular modern tunes weren't fair game for being copied, they were under legal protection, and the share-and-share-alike mentality of the London publishers would not be a dependable defense in the future. This was only the first of two sister cases, a second trial involving Charles Wheatsone was held a few days later, it was to conclude in much the same way.
6. John Charles White versus Charles Wheatstone, 1818This trial was a sister case to that of White versus Gerock, it was tried two days after the first case. Once again the only surviving records for it that I've found were printed in the press, they record the events that occured in the courtroom itself.
Figure 14. Wheatstone's version of Rob Roy, from the c.1818 Wheatstone's Selection, of Elegant & Fashionable Country Dances, Reels, Waltz's &c. Book 13. Image courtesy of the VWML.
Summary of the ComplaintWhite accused Wheatstone of copying two of his tunes, Lady Caroline Morrison and Rob Roy.These were vended under a cheap form, thereby depriving the plaintiff, who was the author of them, of any advantage arising from the sale of them. White had sold 2300 copies of Lady Caroline Morrison (which was initially called The Wedding Ring) and 800 copies of Rob Roy, the tunes were very popular in Bath. White's father and brother both testified that they were present when the tunes were composed, and John Whitaker once again testified that the tunes were original rather than derived from any existing tunes.
Summary of the ResponseWheatstone's main defense was in the argument that the tunes were not original compositions, but derived from previous works. The judge summarised the case to the jury as follow (Morning Post, 9th December 1818):although to his regret he must acknowledge himself wholly ignorant of the science of music, yet in law he would tell them, that in his opinion, any person taking a number of different bars in music, although every one might previously be found in other compositions, and giving then a new combination, he legally obtained a property in them, to which the law give protection.
Courtroom DramaAn extensive description of the action in the courtroom was published in The British Press on the 9th December 1818. It contains so many fragments of useful detail that it has been transcribed below in full.Piracy, White v. Wheatstone
Figure 15. Jack bringing a Pirate into Port, 1804. Courtesy of the Royal Museums, Greenwich.
AnalysisThis final case followed the same pattern as the sister case against Gerock, Wheatstone was found guilty for the same basic reasons. Any defense based on the argument that new tunes were constructed from fragments of older tunes was not acceptable in law, new combinations of bars implied a new composition.It's perhaps worth noting that Wheatstone had once again named his friend Mr Reynolds as his immediate source for music from Bath, Reynolds had previously been identified as the source of the General Kutusoff tune. Reynolds claimed to be unpaid, but as a regular supplier of popular music they must have had some form of arrangement. Wheatstone may have found it convenient to publish popular Bath tunes in London, but that business process was no longer safe.
Well known names from across the social dancing industry had testified both for and against Wheatstone, there was a clear lack of consensus. Many of these people are easily identified: Joseph Dale and Thomas Bolton both ran music shops in addition to composing music; John Whitaker did so too, though he remainded primarily a composer. The names of some of the witnesses in The British Press are slightly suspect; the report consistently misspelled This was the third copyright dispute in which Wheatstone was a defendant. He'd settled the dispute with Birchall, seemingly out of court; it's unclear how the second dispute ended, but he ceased production of two country dancing publication series shortly thereafter; and now he'd lost a third dispute. The timing may be coincidental, but he appears to have ceased production of his remaining country-dancing publication series, Wheatstone's Selection, of Elegant & Fashionable Country Dances, Reels, Waltz's &c., at around this time. It's tempting to assume that he'd given up on country-dancing tunes entirely; he instead focussed on printing new music for Quadrille dancing.
SummaryAt the start of the 1810s London had a vibrant dance music publishing industry, popular tunes could be published within collections issued by well over a dozen different music sellers. We've used this extensive overlapping of content as a means to test the influence of the publisher William Campbell in a previous paper; we found, for example, that Campbell had published 96 tunes with names that matched those from the Preston collection, 58 tune names in common with the Cahusac collections, 28 in common with those of Bland & Weller, etc.. If the works of almost any two publishers were compared in this way, significant overlapping content would be found. At the start of the decade such tunes were implicitly considered to be common property, duplication was normal. Some publishers took things a little further; James Platts (for example) probably copied verbatim from the works of Skillern & Challoner between about 1807 and 1809.
Figure 16. An amateur band, 1801. Courtesy of the National Portrait Gallery.
Birchall's complaint in 1812 may have been a trigger for change. He (perhaps) took umbrage at one of his serious musical publications being abridged into a mere dancing tune, he fought it and he won. It was already legally established that music was subject to copyright, the 1804 case of Hime verus Dale had found that even a single page song constituted a bookunder copyright law; Birchall's arguments had little chance of failure under those circumstances. The 1814 dispute between Button & Co. and James Platts was on a similar theme; serious music composed by Whitaker had been adapted into a dance form by Platts, and the court agreed that this was not permitted. James Platts, in retaliation, launched the third trial in 1815, arguing that a half dozen simple country dancing tunes that he owned had been pirated by Button & Co.; he lost that dispute over legal technicalities, but it may have been the first attempt to protect compositions of potentially as little as 16 bars. Platts' argument was tried again in the fourth case, the outcome of which is unclear. The two 1818 complaints from White's of Bath achieved the legal precedent required to confirm that country dancing tunes, no matter how simple, could be considered as works of human genius and fully deserving of copyright protection. It may be coincidence, but London's social dancing industry was undergoing significant change throughout the late 1810s. Country Dancing fell out of fashion, the Waltz and Quadrille dance forms were taking over. Many of the country-dance publishers who were active at the start of the decade had (as far as can be determined) ceased printing such tunes by the end of the decade: Wheatstone issued his last known collection c.1818, Bland & Weller c.1819; Cahusac c.1821, Skillern & Challoner c.1815; etc.. Publication didn't cease entirely, but far fewer publishers were active at the end of the decade than at the start. It's generally assumed that this change was driven by social pressures in the ballrooms of the aristocracy, but an increased risk of litigation between music sellers may have been a secondary factor. It seems probable that litigation drove Wheatstone from the country-dancing business. The wider industry was also aware of the legal risks, my experience has been that it's easier to find copyright acknowledgements in the dance publications of the late 1810s than in those from the start of the decade. The problems and risks of unlicensed music printing weren't limited to country-dancing tunes of course. Many of the early quadrille publishers also complained of counterfeit publications; the celebrity publishers took to signing their legitimate offerings as a form of authentication. I'm not aware of any copyright trials being fought over quadrille publications, though records of such disputes may yet surface. White's success in his disputes of late 1818 may have been sufficient to enable publishers to merely threaten each other with litigation, and for disputes to be settled out of court. I can't prove that the shifting legal landscape forced those music-sellers on the fringes of legality out of business, but the free-for-all mentality of the early 19th century country dance publishers certainly changed; regardless of the cause, things were never the same again. We'll leave this investigation here; if you have any information to add, do please Contact Us as we'd love to know more.
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